We fully agree that it's a small miracle, but what does it matter? After all, this time it's not the multiplication of loaves, but the multiplication of ham sandwiches that wouldn't work every time, sometimes you don't have enough ham... This is a quote by the character of Ea (Pili Groyne), the little sister of JC, who died on the cross because he had the misfortune to improvise to right the wrongs of his wayward father, played by Benoît Poelvoorde. Ea intends to go about things differently. Her plan? Find 6 apostles more to make a total of 18, a number dear to her mother, the goddess in a dressing gown (Yolande Moreau). In the name of all that's holy, it smacks of the fourth world and mediocrity.
Voltaire's works, especially his private letters, frequently urge the reader: "écrasez l'infâme", or "crush the infamous".[124] The phrase refers to contemporaneous abuses of power by royal and religious authorities, and the superstition and intolerance fomented by the clergy.[125] He had seen and felt these effects in his own exiles, the burnings of his books and those of many others, and in the atrocious persecution of Jean Calas and François-Jean de la Barre.[126] He stated in one of his most famous quotes that "Superstition sets the whole world in flames; philosophy quenches them."[127]
CRITIQUE: quot;LE TOUT NOUVEAU TESTAMENT quot;
The most oft-cited Voltaire quotation is apocryphal. He is incorrectly credited with writing, "I disapprove of what you say, but I will defend to the death your right to say it." These were not his words, but rather those of Evelyn Beatrice Hall, written under the pseudonym S. G. Tallentyre in her 1906 biographical book The Friends of Voltaire. Hall intended to summarize in her own words Voltaire's attitude towards Claude Adrien Helvétius and his controversial book De l'esprit, but her first-person expression was mistaken for an actual quotation from Voltaire. Her interpretation does capture the spirit of Voltaire's attitude towards Helvétius; it had been said Hall's summary was inspired by a quotation found in a 1770 Voltaire letter to an Abbot le Riche, in which he was reported to have said, "I detest what you write, but I would give my life to make it possible for you to continue to write."[128] Nevertheless, scholars believe there must have again been misinterpretation, as the letter does not seem to contain any such quote.[e]
In 1964 the syndicated columnist and quotation collector Bennett Cerf ascribed a version of the saying to the author Robert Balzer:[18] 1964 January 15, State Times Advocate, Try and Stop Me by Bennett Cerf, Page 10-C, Baton Rouge, Louisiana. (GenealogyBank)
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Barnabas contains over 100 explicit quotations (i.e. prefaced withintroductory rubrics), all of which occur in chapters 1-17. More thanone-fourth of these citations can be traced directly or indirectly tothe Septuagint translations of Isaiah and Psalms, but many of theremaining "quotations" differ widely from known text forms of the OldTestament (although they are very similar to Old Testament ideas andvocabulary).
Has the author of the Epistle willfully manipulated his Jewishsources in such a way as to turn them against the very Judaism fromwhich they came? Many interpreters of Barnabas have claimed this in thepast. A close examination of the "peculiar" quotations and theirrelationship to quotations in other late Jewish and early Christianliterature, however, reveals that very little Christian tampering isdemonstrable. On the contrary, in most instances the materials used byBarnabas seem to have been taken with little change from apre-Christian hellenistic Jewish school-tradition in which culticJudaism already had been minimized, if not renounced.
Both in its use of isolated quotations and in the larger "traditionblocks," the Epistle of Barnabas represents an early stage in theChristian adaptation of such Jewish materials. Barnabas showsrelatively little interest in subjects which held the attention of muchother early Christian literature -- the life and teachings of Jesus,the work of the Spirit, the organization and institutions of theChurch. Instead, the Epistle tries to spell out the real meaning ofGod's covenant in the light of the present eschatological crisis.Jewish/Christian "gnosis," or "Pneumatic" interpretation of the historyof salvation, holds the key to the real meaning of God's dealings withAncient Israel. Abraham was the father of "nations," not simply of theJews, and looked forward symbolically to Jesus and the cross. Mosesreceived a covenant of righteous actions, not of ritualisticrestrictions, and made for Israel signs of Jesus' cross. The real"promised land" into which Jesus/Joshua leads still is in the future --it is the eschatological "new creation" which follows the [[4]]"sabbath rest" and for which Christians wait.
Illustrative Texts.-- The TEXTS provide a sampling of variouskinds of problem quotations in the Epistle. There the Latin version ofBarnabas has been reproduced as faithfully as possible from the editionof Heer (filling out strange orthography and most abbreviations bymeans of parentheses, and capitalizing the most interesting differencesfrom the Greek text). The major variations within the Greek witnessesto Barnabas also are presented as fully as possible (omitting obviousscribal errors, orthographical differences, and some of the variationswithin family G).
\1/Edwin Hatch, in his study of early LXX/OG quotations in Essaysin Biblical Greek (1889), p.133, lamented that "the quotations fromthe LXX in the Greek Fathers are an almost unworked field," andattempted to alleviate the situation somewhat through an analysis ofselected citations found in Philo, the NT, Cl.R, Barn, and JM. H.B.Swete, An Introduction to the OT in Greek (1900, with slightrevision in 1902 and reprinted with supplementary notes by R.R. Ottleyin 1914), added more material of the same sort in his ch. on"Quotations from the LXX in Early Christian Writings" (the ApostolicFathers, Iren, JM, Hipp, and Cl.A; pp. 406-32). Other noteworthycontributions to such a study of Barn's quotations include J.M. Heer, DieVersio latina des Barnabasbriefes und ihr verhaeltnis zuraltlateinischen Bibel (1908), and H. Windisch, Der Barnabasbrief(Ergaenzungsband 3 in Lietzmann's Handbuch zum NT, 1920).
\2/Most recently, J. Danie/lou, The/ologie du Jude/o-Christianisme (1958), pp. 101-29, has tried to illuminate Christianorigins through an examination of the quotations in Barn and otherearly Christian sources. See also J. Klevinghaus, Die theologischeStellung der apostolischen Vaeter zur alttestamentliche Offenbarung(1948), pp. 15-44 (on Barn).
The following investigation of Barn's quotations is divided intothree parts: I General Orientation; II The Tradition behind theQuotations; and III Conclusions. In the first Part, the basicgroundwork for the entire study will be laid out -- the state ofknowledge about the Epistle, the problem of its text, the quotationsand their formulae, and the possible sources available to the author.Part II will consist of a section by section analysis of quotedmaterial in Barn 1-17 (there are no explicit quotations whatsoever inthe "two ways" section of 18-21), with special attention given tosimilar quotations or interpretations in other ancient writings. Inthis way the emphases and affinities of Barn will become clear, and afresh evaluation of the Epistle's relationship to both early Judaismand early Christianity will be possible.\8/
Although the primary emphasis in Part II will fall on [[4]] thequotations in Barn which deviate significantly from extant text of theJewish scriptures (especially LXX/OG), an attempt has been made in thenotes to indicate how Barn's more Septuagintal citations are related toother LXX/OG witnesses. Actually, little has been done in this areasince Swete's cursory analysis, and the Epistle warrants a systematicevaluation of its evidence concerning the Greek Jewish scripture textsused by early Christianity.\9/ 2ff7e9595c
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